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PRIMA Volume 2, Issue
1
Minjung Theology as a Korean Ideology of Political Dissidence
By Elias Kruger
A common newscast on South Korea: protesters enter in confrontation with the police who responds throwing tear gas bombs. The cameras focus on an individual fighting the police while three police men respond in a violent manner. The smoke rises as people run everywhere. These scenes are often the news one gets about Korea in the Western media. This reputation is not by chance. Since the formation of the Republic of Korea in 1945, the country has witnessed numerous events of violent protest. Examples that stand out are the 1961 student massacre and the 1980 Kwangju massacre. These were two extreme examples of how violent these confrontations can get. While studying Korean history one may be curious to know what could inspire such culture of protest.
The main ideological tradition in Korean culture is Confucianism. Yet, a Confucian culture that emphasizes hierarchy and respect for authority seems contradictory with a culture of protest. However, also very important to Korean culture is the Minjung theology. If Confucianism provides an ideological basis for compliance, Minjung Theology provides an ideological basis for protest. This fusion of theological and sociological ideas played a central role in the Korean protest movements of the 20th century.
A parallel can be drawn to Western history. In the West, most revolutions originated in the influence of a political theorist. In the French revolution, for example, the thought of Jean Jacques Rousseau exerted great influence in the political movement that overthrew the king. In the American Revolution, the ideas of John Locke gave the ideological basis for protesting against British colonization. Moreover, Lockian ideas inspired the American Constitution. In the same way, in 20th century South Korea, Minjung theology exerted a great influence in the political movements for reform by providing an ideological basis for protest. The main difference, however, is that in Korea the basis is not only political but also religious, yet is not a new phenomenom in Korean history. In the1894 Peasant uprising, Tonghak religion played an important role by providing an ideological basis for protest. This shows the uniqueness of the Korean case compared to western case, with its tendency to mix religious elements with political movements.
Minjung as a concept and an ideology:
Minjung is a rather complex concept developed by Korean intellectuals. The literal translation to English is people. It originated from a combination of two Chinese characters ‘min’ (the people) and ‘jung’ (the masses) (The Japan Christian Review, 1998). It posesses a conditional clause to it that makes it a dynamic concept instead of a fixed one. Minjung is the people only when the people are in the context of the masses. The individual, therefore, cannot be Minjung.
Scholars expanded on this word to mean the lower classes in Korean society. Yet, this definition transcends the Western Marxist definition of social classes. Because of its dynamic aspect, the Minjung changes as the context changes. For example, the proletariat is the Minjung but only when they are in a condition of oppression. Women are the Minjung when they under the bondage of a sexist relationship. Nevertheless, Minjung is never restricted to one group. In totalitarian Communist society, a capitalist is the Minjung if the person is oppressed by the system.
The first characteristic of the Minjung is their condition of oppression. This aspect is also expressed in the Korean word, han. This word means suffering in general and in the case of the Minjung means the suffering because of oppression. Yet, the definition of Minjung does not end there. Another important aspect of the Minjung is that they are “subjects of history” (Lee 38). Thus, the Minjung, although living in a disadvantaged position, are the protagonists of history. Also, they are the agents of change in society. The Minjung changes history through protest and rebellion. Thus, the Minjung are not only the ones who are oppressed but also the ones who realize their oppressed state and act to change the structures of oppression in society.
The Minjung concept, as it is understood today, first appeared in the “Declaration of the Korean Revolution” by Shin Chae Ho in 1923 (Wells 32). In this document, the author presents the Minjung as all Koreans who are under Japanese rule. Later, the Minjung concept inspired a whole new school of Korean history. Historians used the term Minjung to reinterpret Korean history from the point of view of the masses instead of the leaders. Before then, Korean history was presented in the original government documents following the Chinese method (Wells 15), causing historians to reproduce the views of the rulers. This idea became very problematic when Korea became a Japanese colony. Koreans were obligated to learn a Japanese version of Korean history that concealed the atrocities of Japanese colonialism. Minjung historiography became not only a progressive view of history but also a nationalistic one because it emphasized the Korean people as agents of their own history. Independence movements and political activists would later use this understanding of history in order to justify their cause.
Minjung provided quite a distinct view of Korea’s past. By recounting Korean history from a socio economic perspective (Cone 167). In this aspect, it resembled a Marxian perspective of history. Nevertheless, it differed from its western counter-part because it did not emphasize the role of classes. Instead, the historians used the term Minjung. One of their most important historical reinterpretations was of the Tonghak movement in the late 19th century. Before Minjung historians expounded their views, historians portrayed the Tonghak movement in a negative manner since they held the government’s point of view. G. T. Ladd, a foreigner living in Korea at the time, reinforced this view by defining the Tonghak people as religious extremists whose main intent was to kill foreigners (Walls 108).
Minjung historians understood the Tonghak movement as a genuine example of the Minjung rebelling to reclaim their position of subjects of history. These historians emphasized the influence of Tonghak religious thinking in society. They interpreted the Tonghak concept of “treat people as heaven” as a principle of equality. In fact, Park Chong Hong believed that the principles of the Tonghak religion were the foundations for Korean democracy (Walls 109). For the Minjung historians, the movement was not a “peasant uprising” but a revolutionary and democratic movement.
This reinterpretation of history had profound effects on Korean society. It departed from the Confucian ideal by questioning the government and pointing out its misdeeds. Also, it emphasized the role of the people rather than of key leaders or governor officials. By doing so, Minjung formed a basis for an ideology of resistance.
Christianity
in Korea:
Before talking about Christianity it is important to address some initial misconceptions as one approaches Christianity in an Asian country. How could a Western religion play an instrumental role in a country of Buddhist tradition? Korea, however, is not a common case in East Asia, and is one of the most impressive success stories for Christianity today. Christians are around 30% of the population today and some predict that soon will be Korea’s main religion (Noh 7/5/00). This situation is a drastic contrast with those in Korea’s neighbors China and Japan where Christianity continues to be a small minority.
The second misconception has to do with the history of Christianity’s involvement in politics in the West. In most Western countries, Christianity tends to be a private force for its lack of involvement in politics. In general, one does not equate Christianity with political revolutionary movements. Korea, however, shows a different perspective where Christianity was the religion of many progressive leaders.
The distinctiveness of Korean Christianity is evident in the history of the religion in the country. The first Bible arrived in Korea around 1777 through Chinese scholars (Noh 7/4/00). Around 1800, the government unleashed a fierce persecution of Catholic Christians killing around 7,000 of them (Noh 7/5/00). This attitude of the government reflected the regions fear of western enchroachment. Yet, decades after this disastrous beginning, the first Protestant missionary set foot in Korea. Dr. Horace N. Allen was a pioneer who came as a medical doctor. At that time, missionaries coming just to seek converts were no allowed in the country. In 1885, M. G. Underwood and Henry Apenzeller joined Dr. Allen, consolidating the first Protestant missionary efforts (Mun 110).
A turning point in Korean missions was the missionaries discovery of the Hangul writing system (Lee 133). At that time, Korea used two methods of writing one using Chinese characters and the other utilizing native writing forms (the native Hangul system). The Yangban scholars shunned the Hangul system because it promoted universal education. It was much simpler than the Chinese method which facilitated women and peasants becoming literate. This was a threat to the Yangban elite class of scholars that wanted to maintain hegemony over Korean society (Cone 80). Missionaries decided to use this system to translate the Bible and to communicate with the common people, and brought them closer to the Minjung.
This commitment to the Minjung was reinforced by the Nevius principles used by the missionariest to work in Korea (Mun 11). These principles summarized the missionaries’ goals in Korea. Three of these goals are worth pointing out. The first goal was to concentrate on the conversion of people from the “lower classes” rather than the "higher classes.” The second was to focus on women and girls because of their influence in society. The third was to translate the Bible to the Hangul vernacular (Lee 135).
These initiatives demonstrate how, with time, Christianity became the religion of the lower classes in Korea. Although missionaries themselves were not progressive in their political views, their deep involvement with the Minjung was an important contribution. Besides education and medical assistance, churches provided a place for community building that would greatly contribute in later movements.
After the 1895 Peasant Revolutions the Korean Government allowed missionaries to go to rural areas (Mun 12). Yet, because of the difficulties in traveling between the villages, missionaries began to train local leaders to do their work. This practice marked the beginning of indigenization of Korean Christianity. Christianity started to be spread by Koreans and missionaries lost monopoly over the churches being created. These local preachers, besides bringing the Christian messages, also started organizing people in their communities. In some cases, they organized the “common meeting” that were not only for religious purposes but also a place where people could voice their concerns about the community. Christian churches became a place to foster Minjung leadership (Mun 13).
In 1910, Japan annexed Korea causing tragic setbacks in the development of the Korean national identity. This situation also reshaped the role of the Christian church in Korea. Most missionaries kept a neutral view on Japanese colonialism. They avoided any controversial position on politics from the pulpit. Yet, Korean Christian leaders did not follow the same path. Many would later become the leaders of the independence movements.
Christians played an instrumental role in the independence movement in Korea. Out of the 33 signers of the independence movement, 15 were Christians (Lee 165). Yet, the fact that they were Christians and political activists was no coincidence. Some of them justified their actions with their religious faith. One of these signers was Shin Suk Ku. An adherent of the Methodist Christian faith he explained that his decsion of joining the independence movement came after hearing from God in prayer (Lee 165). For some Christians, the independence movement became a divine call. Finally, the Christian influence was evident later in the Proclamation of Korean Independence where the writers justify their cause as the “clear leading of God”(Lee 175).
Korean history attests to the instrumental influence that the Christianity had on the Korean people. In some cases, this influence became manifest in the political arena by inspiring leaders to protest and revolt against colonial abuses. Unlike, other Asian nations, Christianity did not come to Korea with the colonizer but instead became the religion of the oppressed. History shows that Christianity, even before the dawn of Minjung theology, had a background of providing ideological basis for political movements.
Minjung
Christianity as an ideology of resistance:
Religious revolutionary movements are a recurring theme in Korean history. Before looking at Minjung Theology, one should examine the Tonghak movement in the late 1800’s. This movement had great influence on the peasant rebellions of the time. They were vital because they provided an ideology that supported and encouraged protest. Choi Che U, founder of the Tonghak religion developed the concept of In Nae Chun which basically meant “Man is heaven”(Lee 106). Some scholars such as Park Chong Hong believed that this was a revolutionary concept of equality. By treating people as heavenly beings, they would be treated as equals. Therefore, some historians believe that Tonghak ideology encouraged peasants to revolt once they realized the oppressive taxation measures of the government (Lee 109).
Minjung Theology emerged in Korea in the early 1960’s (Wells 87). Churches started farming Industrial Mission groups in order to evangelize industrial workers. However, Christian workers realized that their message was not reaching their intended audience because there was incompatibility between their reality and that of the industrial workers. In order to overcome this obstacle, they became industrial workers themselves. As they experienced the workers lifestyle, their message changed and focused on human rights (Cone 39). Other Christian groups, such as the Korean Student Federation and the Seoul Metropolitan Mission, with a focus on human rights started to organize and expanded the movement outside the labor circle. The National Christian Council became increasingly progressive because of the influence of Minjung Christians. This body issued various controversial statements that denounced the authoritarian government of Park Chung Hee. Minjung Christians caught the attention of the media in 1974 when they hung placards stating, “The Resurrection of Jesus means the resurrection of Democracy”(Walls 88). In March of 1976, Minjung Christian leaders met at the Myondong Cathedral in Seoul to issued a manifesto condemning the Park regime.
These events reflect well Suh Kwang-sun’s idea about Minjung Theology. He defined Minjung theology as an “accumulation and articulation of theological reflections on the political experiences of Christian students, laborers, the press, professors, farmers, writers as well as theologians” (Cone 16). The socio-political conditions of Korea in the 60’s were not very promising (Hart-Landsberg 177), but in the midst of this situation, Christians started to reflect on the plight of the oppressed from a Christian perspective.
Christians started looking at the Bible from a Minjung perspective. In the Old Testament, the story of Exodus became a symbol to Korean history. In the Biblical account, the God delivers the nation of Israel from the oppressive government of the Egyptians. This became a parallel of Korean history of Japanese colonization. In this aspect, Minjung Theology was able to fully incorporate the Christian religion with Korean culture. The story of Israel became the history of Korea. Moreover, this Biblical story portrayed a God who was in the side of the oppressed, the God of Minjung.
In the New Testament, Minjung Christians found a greater symbol for the Korean Minjung in the person of Jesus. Minjung Theologians, however, look at Christian ideas on sin in a different level. Sin is han, the suffering of the Minjung (Mun 15). The separation between men and God is manifested in the political structures of society and in the oppression from the powerful. Jesus became the ultimate symbol of Minjung. While on Earth he walked, talked and lived among them. He is one of them. His death is a symbol for the suffering of the Minjung. His resurrection is the symbol of the Minjung’s triumph as the subjects of history. Here there is a key departure from traditional Christian theology. Minjung theologians see men as co-participants in the salvation of mankind. Traditional Christian traditions see the role of God as the one and only actor in the redemption of humanity. This departure is crucial because encourages action rather than relying on divine intervention. It goes beyond of the religion realm to the political one. Minjung theology not only gives an understanding of the condition of the Minjung but it calls on them to fulfill their role as subjects of history.
The main goal of Minjung Theologians was equality. This equality comes through the union of two elements: “the renewal of human rights and the revolutionary change for justice in the social structures” (Mun 57). This was their idea of redemption for the Korean society. On one level, they sought to reinforce human rights, especially for workers and other people that compose the Minjung. On another level, they sought transformation in the very composition of society.
Minjung Christians sought these goals in the context of Korean political struggles. Up to the end of the 80’s Minjung Christians were deeply involved with the street manifestations. They also demonstrated key support to dissident political leaders as in the case of the PRP (People’s Revolutionary Party). In 1974 when the government arrested many members of the PRP, church leaders openly condemned the action. They also organized support groups for the families of the political leaders arrested (Walls 88). They understood democracy as a system that facilitates for the Minjung realization of the role of subjects of history. Moreover, they saw the manifestations as actual expressions of the Minjung as the subjects of history. They believed that change would only come when people organized protests that would pressure the government to change.
After the achievements of the 80’s with regards to democracy, the Minjung struggle took a new path. Minjung Christians realized that achieving total equality was not possible as the Korean people continue to live divided. They started then to concentrate on reunification. Minjung theologian, Jong Suh Noh, denounced the division in Korea was a result of “divide and conquer” strategy of the countries of the West (23). They come to this conclusion by considering the whole people of Korea as Minjung against the oppression of a system created by foreigners. They also contacted the small Christian community in North Korea in order to aid the Minjung on the Northern side (Noh 7/22/00).
Conclusion:
Minjung Christianity played an important role in the Korean history in the last 40 years. Just like the Tonghak religion provided an ideological basis for political protest in the 19th century, Minjung theology provided this ideological basis for political protest in the 20th century. Minjung historiography brought socio-economic understanding while Christianity brought the messianic vision for change. Also, Christianity added hope to the political ideology by making it a divine plan. History also shows that these two did not come together by chance. Korean Christianity was part of Minjung history and Minjung movements. With time, Christianity occupied the space of Tonghak beliefs in the life of Minjung.
If Christianity as religion tends to be a neutral force in politics because of its otherworldly emphasis, Minjung Christianity overcame this obstacle by shifting the theological focus. First, Minjung Christianity preached of a redemption to be completed on Earth through the political triumph of the Minjung. Secondly, Minjung theology emphasizes the role of the Minjung rather than God. Therefore, Minjung Christianity not only gives a vision for change but also affirms that this change can only come through human action. Because of these two main characteristics, Minjung theology transcends the realm of theology to the realm of political action.
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